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    On Saturday July 4th, the day before the 72nd anniversary of the founding of the NHS – we demonstrated, jointly with Manchester Trade Union Council, with Unison, Unite and any other unions involved, with Keep Our NHS Public and with Health Campaigns Together (with PPE and social distancing) against the privatisation of the Department of Reproductive Medicine at St Mary’s Hospital Manchester.

    NEXT EVENT

    VIRTUAL PUBLIC MEETING: No privatisation of Manchester’s fertility service!
    Monday, 20 July 2020 from 19:00-20:30

    Details at the end of this article

    Women in the Labour Movement have been campaigning for at least 100 years on issues of maternal health and the right to choose whether and when to have children, and to use any technological advances that might make those choices easier, or even possible. From 1924 onwards the Women’s Labour League annually and unanimously supported birth control. The men in the Labour and Trade Union Movement were not always so unanimous, or so interested in the subject.

    In 1924 the first Labour Government was elected, and the League bombarded John Wheatley – the first Labour Minister of Health – with demands for improved health care in childbirth and after, and for the provision of free, state birth control clinics. They organised meetings and major demonstrations. They kept reminding him that giving birth had four times the death rate of working in the mines, the most dangerous job for men, and twenty times the likelihood of permanent disability.

    However, it was not until 1974 – another 50 years later – that women achieved the right to free contraception on the NHS, irrespective of age or marital status, by which time I had joined the Labour Party and it was one of the issues I was campaigning for myself, first through the Young Socialists and then the Labour Women’s organisation . Nowadays, men can also get free vasectomies  and, whether for contraception or protection against HIV, free condoms on the NHS, also irrespective of age. None of these successes, in areas where some people like to make moral rather than medical judgements, was easy or straightforward.

    For example, even after the beginning of the decriminalisation of homosexuality for men in 1967, homophobia was still rampant for many years. Thus, more than 20 years later in 1988, Thatcher was able to introduce Clause 28. Roy Trevelion (London SHA member) in Age UK’s Opening Doors London, likens the mental health of many HIV positive men – as a consequence of the AIDS epidemic and ongoing homophobia – to Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. Most gay men who obtained free condoms would have been more likely to get them from organisations like the Lesbian and Gay Foundation in Manchester (and similar ones elsewhere), which is registered as a charity and raised money to provide them on that basis. Many gay men would have been more able and less anxious to get their condoms from peer-support charities like this than to risk accidentally outing themselves at the doctor’s or clinic.

    The post World War II economic boom brought rising employment of women and improved living standards, and with increased confidence, women demanded recognition for their contribution to society and the right to control their own lives. These led to the Abortion Act 1967 as well as to Equal Pay (1970) and Sex Discrimination (1975) legislation, and the right to paid maternity leave (1975). The Abortion Act did not give women the right to choose, but made it legal for abortions to be carried out with the approval of two doctors under certain circumstances. In effect it decriminalised what women had been doing for centuries, just as the 1967 Sexual Offences Act (partially) decriminalised homosexual acts between men.

    Making abortion illegal in 1861 had not stopped it, and the 1967 Act did not encourage it: it just made the difference between a woman dying as a consequence, or surviving. (In Romania, abortion was illegal until 1989: but abortions still outnumbered live births – in 1987 by four to one.) I remember providing accommodation to Spanish women coming to the UK for abortions before 1985, when it became legal in Spain, and from the Republic of Ireland before the end of 2018 when it was legalised there.

    However, the 1967 Abortion Act, like the 1967 Sexual Offences Act, was not the end of the matter. There were several attempts to repeal or considerably amend the Abortion Act, such as the White Bill, the Corrie Bill and the Alton Bill, which gave rise in turn to their own protest movements. A very large demonstration against the Corrie Bill was called by the TUC (on the initiative of the Women’s TUC) in 1980, the first time in the world that a major trade union federation had called a demonstration on abortion rights; and another against the Alton Bill in 1988, again with the support of the trade union movement. None of these Private Member’s Bills was successful, but in the end the period during which abortion could be legally carried out was reduced to 24 weeks in 1990, by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act.

    The Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act, based on the recommendations of the Committee of the same name, chaired by Mary Warnock, was passed in 1990. When it was originally passed it allowed access to infertility treatment, such as Artificial Insemination or In Vitro Fertilisation, at a cost (in money and patience, especially with IVF) but it also required the women who wanted medical assistance to become mothers, to conform to a very traditional view of motherhood and the family, as reflected in the attitudes of doctors, hospital ethical committees and the Warnock Committee at that time, and laid down in Codes of Practice. These were not medical decisions but social and moral ones.

    For example, to be “suitable” for treatment, a woman had to be living in a stable relationship with a man, and usually had to be able-bodied. Some clinics were reluctant to treat couples where the man was not in work, or the woman not prepared to give up work. Single women and lesbian couples were not usually eligible.  Tory MP David Wilshire made it clear in his speech that he was particularly concerned that “assisted conception” would not produce families dependent on the state, and another amendment was passed to include “the need of a child for a father”.

    Why is Reproductive Technology a Political Issue?

    Thirty years ago I wrote those words in a book called “Whose Choice?”, published at the time of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill which became law in 1990. The question was why the Labour Movement should take up issues such as contraception, abortion and treatment of infertility, which were often seen as purely personal matters.

    My answer, on behalf of the (then) Manchester and Liverpool Labour Women’s Councils, was that it was our belief that decisions about whether or not to have children, how many to have, whether or not to have an abortion or use any of the technologies available to overcome or by-pass infertility, or to avoid having a child with disabilities, or to enable those of us who were lesbians to become parents, were all personal decisions to be taken by the individuals concerned, and not by the Church, the State or the Medical Profession.

    And since it is women who give birth to children and even now usually bear the main responsibility for child rearing, these decisions must primarily be theirs. As socialists we argue for women to have the maximum choice possible in the decisions that shape their lives.

    The campaign then – and still is now – was not just for legal rights, but for the practical means to realise them. In order for a working class woman to have the choices already available to richer women, she must have the economic means (a living wage or income), and necessary social arrangements, such as childcare and decent housing, so that she can choose to have a child. It means expanding the NHS, taking back control of the services that have been contracted out to the private sector, resisting any further attempts to privatise parts of the NHS, and running the NHS democratically so that women can have access to free and safe abortion, contraception, artificial insemination and IVF treatment.

    It means carrying out the research to find contraceptives that meet the needs identified by both women and men; research to enable women to have earlier abortions and make them safer; research into causes of infertility and its prevention; research into chromosomal and genetic disorders and their prevention; and research into products and services that would improve the lives of disabled people.

    All these things are entirely reasonable and technically possible; but they raise, in turn, important – essentially political – questions. Who does the research and in whose interests? The rubber goods manufacturers (for decades before the 1960s, clandestine or even illegal): the vulcanisation of rubber revolutionised birth control as well as road transport; but  nowadays research is dominated by the pharmaceutical industry. And of course the research is done to make a profit.

    The drug industry is one of the most research-intensive sectors: but it spends more on marketing and advertising than on research. That was the case when the last official UK Government report on the industry was published (The Sainsbury Report, HMSO, 1967) and it was even more the case, according to the most recent figures (OECD Main Science and Technology Indicators, annual, covering all OECD member countries in the year of publication.)

    Pressure to be first to market can lead to corner-cutting in testing: the most notorious case where this happened was Thalidomide, a tranquilliser that had been declared safe, and was explicitly prescribed, for pregnant women. But it caused major deformities in their babies who were, most notably, born either without some or all of their limbs or with major deformities in them.

    Although it was known by then that some drugs could cause foetal damage, it was not yet specifically a legal requirement to test for them, and the tests were not done. (Only the USA’s Food and Drug Adminstration refused to grant a licence for thalidomide to be prescribed, because the FDA official responsible insisted on having evidence on the foetal effects of the drug, which were not available.) Criticism of government “interference” in the affairs of business is very common in the United States (often framed as interference in the public’s right to choose – except women’s right to choose abortion). Today the FDA is still the butt of criticism of lack of freedom from government interference.

    The Warnock Report, on which the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill was based, commented on the lack of research into causes of infertility. This is still the case to some extent, though knowledge in this area has been increasing since the discussions around the Warnock Report and the debates on the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill.

    But we can be sure that thorough studies, once publicised and popularised, will lead to increased demands for improved health and safety at work; and for the replacement of industrial processes, chemicals and other materials causing infertility; and that responding to these demands would threaten profits. A thorough study would also raise questions about the under-funding of the NHS and the number of diseases that are not adequately diagnosed, or possibly not adequately treated, and which lead to infertility.

    The issue of women’s rights in reproduction is therefore a political and class question: not just because it is mainly working class women and men who are affected by lack of choice and unsafe working conditions, but also because the ability of all women to have a real choice will only be possible as a result of the struggle of working class women and men to change society. This means campaigning on reproductive rights as well as on better housing, higher wages and defence of the NHS. It especially means we must control the resources of society and organise them for need rather than profit.

    St Mary’s Department of Reproductive Medicine (DRM) – Summary of Background Briefing

    St Saint Mary’s Hospital, Manchester, was founded in 1790. Today it provides a wide range of medical services, mainly for women, babies and children. It is highly regarded for teaching and research, and has an internationally recognised Genomics Centre and Department of Reproductive Medicine (DRM). The DRM employs 70 staff and delivers clinical, laboratory and counselling services for about 3000 patients a year. Most of St Mary’s services and research activity is carried out in a building dating from the late 1960s. In 2009 paediatric services were transferred to the newly built Royal Manchester Children’s Hospital on the same site.

    The issue at the centre of the protest is that the DRM is housed in the Old St Mary’s Building (also on the same site) which dates from just after the death of Queen Victoria, and is in desperate need of repair. Manchester University NHS Foundation Trust (MFT) believes that relocation of DRM within the Trust could cost up to £10 million just in capital expenditure, and is talking about privatisation.

    DRM offers a fertility assessment and infertility service. Artificial Insemination and IVF are offered to women who may benefit, on referral by a GP. This can be both NHS funded and private – the latter for women for whom it is clinically appropriate but whose CCG would not fund the necessary cycles of treatment. It offers a fertility preservation service for patients who wish to preserve eggs or sperm while having medical treatment – eg for cancer – that might affect future fertility. DRM offers sperm-testing and specialist treatment for patients whose sperm has been identified as presenting fertility issues; and on the other hand post-vasectomy checks.

    An anonymous or by-arrangement sperm-donation service is also offered to lesbians, and to heterosexual women either without a partner or who cannot conceive with their partner’s sperm for any reason. The Department also offers a reproductive endocrinology service which focuses on the way in which hormones affect fertility; and specialist counselling to any of the patients using their services. DRM runs the national proficiency scheme involving distribution to other reproductive medicine labs across the country and checks that the results are consistent. Finally, the Department makes a significant contribution to fertility research in conjunction with the University of Manchester.

    In early March the Trust briefed all service staff that they would undertake a 12 month options appraisal exercise to identify whether the service should remain within the Trust or be re-commissioned elsewhere. (Since the pandemic this has been put back.) The unions argue:

    • that there would be significant capital costs involved in privatising the service, which would have to be borne by the hospital (eg to store embryos – the store would need to remain on the site and continue to be run, inspected and managed by MFT, because the cost of doing otherwise would be prohibitive).
    • that the service is unique in Greater Manchester, and to a large extent in the entire North West Region.
    • It has significant associated capital and operational costs so other NHS trusts are likely to be reluctant to bid to host the service.
    • The private sector may offer an option that appears to be cheaper, but offers a far lower level of service than that currently provided at St Mary’s – but the NHS might be obliged to accept the private bid, because it is lower.

    The unions are also concerned about the impact of any potential future privatisation of the service for many reasons, including:

    • St Mary’s offers specialist care to a number of people with Protected Characteristics under the Equality Act 2010, which might not be available under private sector provision.
    • The services offered by St Mary’s are highly specialised – Trafford CCG ring-fenced them on behalf of all the CCGs in Greater Manchester, not requiring them to participate in an IVF procurement exercise in 2019 for this reason.
    • The andrology service works with eg men with Cystic Fibrosis who are often infertile and need surgery if they wish to have a chance of creating a family, and another specialist service involving the only UK-based partnership with the long established FAIRFAX cryo-spermbank.
    • The National External Quality Assessment Scheme for reproductive medicine is currently based in the DRM laboratories. If DRM was closed or moved, this would need a new home, too.
    • The kind of research investment and relationship with academic institutions that St Mary’s has would not be replicated in private sector provision where profits have to be made.
    • Despite assurances from MFT, the unions believe that the terms and conditions of the staff in the private sector, if they had to move and could do so, would not be as good as those in the NHS under the Agenda for Change national pay system.
    • In other areas where NHS services have been privatised, there has often been an erosion of terms and conditions, and of collective bargaining, either through attrition over time or an aggressive stance by employers. Unions believe that this is a significant risk.
    • The cost to fee-paying patients is less than the alternative provision in the private sector, and for NHS patients, the NHS pays via CCGs around £4000 per IVF cycle at St Mary’s, but significantly more (£5-6,000) to private providers per cycle.
    • The DRM is part of St Mary’s and both are located on the MFT Oxford Road Campus next to the University of Manchester. Patients with co-morbidities and other conditions which may have an impact on their fertility and associated treatments, can benefit from the expertise and clinical care available within MFT close to their fertility treatment. At the same time, staff can benefit from the close proximity of other specialisms which may be relevant to a patient’s ongoing care.

    The Next Stage in the Campaign to Save St Mary’s

    There will be a public meeting (via internet) hosted by Keep Our NHS Public as below. Please join us via Greater Manchester Keep Our NHS Public (GM KONP)’s Facebook page.

    PUBLIC MEETING: No privatisation of Manchester’s fertility service!
    Monday, 20 July 2020 from 19:00-20:30

    https://www.facebook.com/events/280845443022548/

    The fertility service provided by the Department of Reproductive Medicine at St Mary’s hospital, Manchester, faces privatisation. According to reports, Manchester Foundation Trust announced earlier this year that the service would go over to a private company in 2021. This would be a disaster for the service and future patients.

    Now the Trust has begun an “options appraisal” over the future of the service. We insist that the #1 option must be keeping it public and keeping it where it is. We demand a public consultation so the people of Manchester have their say.

    Join our online public meeting to hear about the situation and how we can campaign to win. There will be discussion after the speakers, who are:

    Denise Andrews, Unison union rep, DRM
    Liz Holland, Unite the Union branch secretary, MFT
    James Bull, Unison union regional officer

    Pia Feig, a feminist perspective
    Chaired by Caroline Bedale, Greater Manchester Keep Our NHS Public and Greater Manchester Socialist Health Association.

    This will be a Facebook Live event broadcast through the event page.

    Mailing address for

    Keep Our NHS Public Greater Manchester

    c/o KONP national, Unit 12-13 Springfield House 5 Tyssen Street

    LondonE8 2LY

    United Kingdom

    Vivien Walsh (Greater Manchester SHA)

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    On Friday 26 June 2020 HIV i-Base published the fifth COVID-19 supplement to HIV Treatment Bulletin (HTB). Please see this link.

    All i-Base reports are free to copy and i-Base encourages wide distribution. Please credit i-Base when distributing these reports.

     

    HIV and COVID-19: a new supplement to HIV Treatment Bulletin (HTB).

    This publication reviews the latest news on COVID-19, including research that is important for care of people living with HIV.

    All articles are online as html web pages. The PDF files use a single column layout that makes it easy to read each issue on tablets and other hand held devices.

    HIV and COVID-19 no 5 – (26 June 2020)
    HIV and COVID-19 coinfections including data from South Africa, dexamethasone effective in advanced COVID-19, hydroxycholoquine not effective in UK RECOVERY study, plus updates on remdesivir and other treatments…
    Contents online. (html pages)
    HIV and COVID-19 no 5 – 26 June 2020 (PDF)

    HIV and COVID-19 no 4 – (1 June 2020)
    HIV and COVID-19 coinfections, UK access to remdesivir, convalescent plasma, interferon, famotidine, tocilizumab, concern with hydroxychloroquine, UK research plus more…
    Contents online (html pages)
    Download: HIV and COVID-19 issue 4 (PDF)

    HIV and COVID-19 no 3 – (14 May 2020)
    Latest issue includes news on latest treatments, including US approval of remdesivir, plus tentative results with other drugs that reduce immune inflammation (anakinra) – perhaps as essential as antivirals – anticoagulants, ACE inhibitors. Plus latest guidelines and no effect from BCG vaccine.
    Contents online (html pages)
    Download: HIV and COVID-19 issue 3 (PDF)

    HIV and COVID-19: no 2 – (17 April 2020)
    The second supplement of HTB with more than 30 COVID-19 reports: hydroxychloroquine studies, antivirals, transmission and prevention research, online resources.
    Contents online (html pages)
    Download: HIV and COVID-19 issue 2 (PDF)

    HIV and COVID-2019: no 1 – (27 March 2020)
    This 20-page HTB supplement compiles links to articles and resources about COVID-19 including information for managing the care of HIV positive people. It includes short reviews of key studies and early guidelines.
    Contents online. (html pages)
    Download: HIV and COVID-19 issue 1 (PDF)

    Other news and resources on COVID-19 are at: i-base.info/covid-19

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    BASHH (The British Association for Sexual Health and HIV) reports significantly reduced service capacity during the coronavirus pandemic. They are monitoring this with an ongoing survey. Here is the most recent set of results dated 21 April 2020. You can click through to read the full results on the link below or on the BASHH site.

    The British Association for Sexual Health and HIV (BASHH) are running an ongoing survey during the coronavirus pandemic to understand how sexual health services are being impacted and where pressures are emerging.

    The most recent set of results found that service capacity has been significantly reduced with 54% of sites closing in recent weeks, and the majority of respondents (53%) stating they had less than 20% capacity for face-to-face services. Staffing levels have also dramatically shifted to cope with COVID-19 provision, with a drop in available staffing of around half compared to the baseline figures. At the time of responding, members said that 38% of staff had been redeployed and 17% were shielding, isolating or are ill.

    The survey results show that vulnerable populations are particularly at risk during this time, with almost 1 of 5 respondents saying they were only able to offer limited, or no care at all, to this group. Other challenging areas appear to be delivery of routine vaccinations (54% unable to provide) and provision of LARC as preferred contraception (54% unable to provide). 9% said they were unable to maintain PrEP provision.

    A new round of the survey will be circulated in the near future to help identify any changing trends and to provide latest insights which will be shared with national health leaders. Huge thanks to all members for their invaluable contributions so far.

    To see the full results from the first round of the survey click here.

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    From Vivien Walsh in Manchester

    Right at the beginning of the lockdown, several of my friends said how concerned they were about the likely impact of enforced social isolation on those who are suffering from domestic abuse. On Monday, the (cross party) Home Affairs Committee of MPs, chaired by Yvette Cooper, reported on this, demanding “that the Government makes domestic violence and abuse a central pillar of the broader strategy to combat the Covid-19 epidemic.”

    Calls to domestic violence helplines, such as Refuge and Women’s Aid, were nearly 50% higher in the week 6-12 April than the average before the pandemic began. Visits to the website of Refuge were three times as high in March 2020 as they were in March 2019. The Home Affairs Committee called for this domestic violence strategy to combine “awareness, prevention, victim support, housing and a criminal justice response, backed by dedicated funding and ministerial leadership”.

    It also made a point of the need for specialist services for different ethnic communities, and for legal aid as an automatic right for women applying for Domestic Violence Protection Orders (DVPOs). An extension of the current time limit for reporting offences is also necessary, since many abused women will be unable to report the abuse they have suffered until after lockdown ends.

    Between March 23 and April 12 there were at least 16 killings of women and children in domestic situations, said the report on Monday. The average number of deaths from domestic violence during lockdown has gone up from 5 per week from a figure of two before. In a year that would be over 250 women killed by the person who is supposed to love them. The Parliamentary Committee had also received evidence that incidents reported were not only more frequent but involved higher levels of violence and coercive control.

    Unless the government takes action to deal effectively with domestic abuse and to properly support the victims of it, we will be facing “devastating consequences for a generation.” Funding is urgently needed to enable a growth in provision of housing for women and children escaping from violence, and to support refuges as temporary accommodation and support. Even before current emergency, England had 30% fewer than the recommended number of beds, and 64% of referrals were turned down in 2018-19.

    There is a National Domestic Violence Helpline (0808 200 247). This is the number to call for  emergency referrals as they are open 24/7. In addition there a variety of services based locally. For example Manchester Women’s Aid (call 0161 660 7999  9:30am-4:30pm Mon-Fri) provides confidential advice and information, safe temporary housing, one to one support for those living in their own homes, access to legal advice and civil orders, specialist workshops for young women 15-25, language workers and access to interpreters, specialist support for women with poor mental health and drug and alcohol misuse. The full list of services in England and Wales is at the end of the article.

    The lockdown is in place to keep people safe from the virus: but it is also providing cover for abusers. Escape from being locked in with an abuser is a matter of life and death. A decade of austerity has not only undermined our NHS, on which we are now so dependent, but has also decimated support for survivors of domestic violence. The Government must increase funding as a matter of urgency – and there will be just as much need for services as abused women and children try to return to “normal” life when the lockdown is over. And Children’s services also need a big increase in funding to make sure children as risk, not only from the mental and physical impact of domestic violence, have access to help and support.

    Amna Abdullatif (whose day job is Women’s Aid lead for Children and Young People, and who is also a Manchester City Councillor) added the following information for the SHA in this blog: “78% of survivors experiencing domestic abuse told us that Covid-19 has made it harder for them to leave their abuser. If you’re feeling trapped, we’re here for you.”

    “Our Live Chat is now open from 10am – 2pm with expert support workers just one click away. You can be reassured that our Live Chat is completely confidential. To access support and advice go to: https://bit.ly/2y7ab0Q

    “If you, or someone you know, is experiencing abuse please read our Covid-19 safety advice for survivors, family, friends and community members https://bit.ly/2yNzqoW

    There are also local services for ethnic groups, such as Saheli Asian Women’s Project in Manchester, which provides advice, information and support services to Asian women and their children fleeing domestic abuse and/or forced marriages.

    The full list of services from the Womens Aid web site is below:

    National Domestic Abuse Helpline

    The National Domestic Abuse Helpline is run by Refuge and offers free, confidential support 24 hours a day to victims and those who are worried about friends and loved ones.

    Telephone and TypeTalk: 0808 2000 247

    Wales Live Fear Free Helpline

    The Wales Live Fear Free Helpline offers help and advice about violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence.

    Telephone: 0808 8010 800

    TypeTalk: 18001 080 8801

    Text: 078600 77 333

    The Men’s Advice Line

    The Men’s Advice Line is a confidential helpline for male victims of domestic abuse and those supporting them.

    Telephone: 0808 801 0327

    Email: info@mensadviceline.org.uk

    Galop – for members of the LGBT+ community

    Galop runs the National LGBT+ domestic abuse helpline.

    Telephone: 0800 999 5428

    TypeTalk: 18001 020 7704 2040

    Email: help@galop.org.uk

    Women’s Aid

    Women’s Aid has a live chat service available Mondays to Fridays between 10am and 12pm as well as an online survivor’s forum. You can also find your local domestic abuse service on their website.

    The Survivor’s Handbook, created by Women’s Aid, provides information on housing, money, helping your children and your legal rights.

    Karma Nirvana

    Karma Nirvana runs a national honour-based abuse and forced marriage helpline. If you are unable to call or email, you can send a message securely on the website.

    Telephone: 0800 5999 247

    Email: support@karmanirvana.org.uk

    Hestia

    Hestia provides a free mobile app, Bright Sky, which provides support and information to anyone who may be in an abusive relationship or those concerned about someone they know.

    Chayn

    Chayn provides online help and resources in a number of languages about identifying manipulative situations and how friends can support those being abused.

    Imkaan

    Imkaan are a women’s organisation addressing violence against black and minority women and girls.

    Southall Black Sisters

    Southall Black Sisters offer advocacy and information to Asian and Afro-Caribbean women suffering abuse.

    Stay Safe East

    Stay Safe East provides advocacy and support services to disabled victims and survivors of abuse.

    Telephone: 020 8519 7241

    Text: 07587 134 122

    Email: enquiries@staysafe-east.org.uk

    SignHealth

    SignHealth provides domestic abuse service support for deaf people in British Sign Language (BSL).

    Telephone: 020 3947 2601

    Text/WhatsApp/Facetime: 07970 350366

    Email: da@signhealth.org.uk

    Shelter

    Shelter provide free confidential information, support and legal advice on all housing and homelessness issues including a webchat service.

    Sexual Assault Referral Centres

    Sexual Assault Referral Centres provide advice and support services to victims and survivors of sexual assault or abuse.

    Get help if you think you may be an abuser

    If you are concerned that you or someone you know may be an abuser, there is support available.

    Respect is an anonymous and confidential helpline for men and women who are harming their partners and families. The helpline also takes calls from partners or ex-partners, friends and relatives who are concerned about perpetrators. A webchat service is available Wednesdays, Thursdays and Fridays from 10am to 11am and from 3pm to 4pm.

    Telephone: 0808 802 4040

    Get help for children and young people

    NSPCC

    The NSPCC helpline is available for advice and support for anyone with concerns about a child.

    The NSPCC has issued guidance for spotting and reporting the signs of abuse.

    Telephone: 0808 800 5000

    Email: help@nspcc.org.uk

    If you are deaf or hard of hearing, you can contact the NSPCC via SignVideo using your webcam. SignVideo, using British Sign Language, is available on PC, Mac, iOS (iPhone/iPad) and Android smartphones (4.2 or above). This service is available Monday to Friday from 8am to 8pm and Saturdays from 8am to 1pm.

    Childline

    Childline provides help and support to children and young people.

    Telephone: 0800 1111

    Barnardo’s

    Barnardo’s provide support to families affected by domestic abuse.

    Family Lives

    Family Lives provide support through online forums.

    Support for employers

    Employers’ Initiative on Domestic Abuse

    The Employers’ Initiative on Domestic Abuse website provides resources to support employers including an employers’ toolkit.

    Support for professionals

    SafeLives provides guidance and support to professionals and those working in the domestic abuse sector, as well as additional advice for those at risk.

    Support a friend if they’re being abused

    If you’re worried a friend is being abused, let them know you’ve noticed something is wrong. Neighbours and community members can be a life-line for those living with domestic abuse. Look out for your neighbours, if someone reaches out to you there is advice on this page about how to respond. They might not be ready to talk, but try to find quiet times when they can talk if they choose to. If someone confides in you that they’re suffering domestic abuse:

    • listen, and take care not to blame them
    • acknowledge it takes strength to talk to someone about experiencing abuse
    • give them time to talk, but don’t push them to talk if they don’t want to
    • acknowledge they’re in a frightening and difficult situation
    • tell them nobody deserves to be threatened or beaten, despite what the abuser has said
    • support them as a friend – encourage them to express their feelings, and allow them to make their own decisions
    • don’t tell them to leave the relationship if they’re not ready – that’s their decision
    • ask if they have suffered physical harm – if so, offer to go with them to a hospital or GP
    • help them report the assault to the police if they choose to
    • be ready to provide information on organisations that offer help for people experiencing domestic abuse

    If you are worried that a friend, neighbour or loved one is a victim of domestic abuse then you can call the National Domestic Abuse Helpline for free and confidential advice, 24 hours a day on 0808 2000 247.

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    This article was first published by Simon Collins at HIV i-Base on 2 September 2019.

    On 2 September 2019, leading HIV charities including HIV i-Base and the UK-Community Advisory Board (UK-CAB), published an open letter to Rt Hon Amber Rudd MP in her capacity as Minister for Women and Equalities, calling for an urgent intervention to include sexual health in the upcoming Government Spending Round. [1]

    In England, the responsibility for sexual health was disastrously shifted from the NHS to local authorities, whose public health budgets have been cut in real terms by £700 million over the last five years.

    These cuts have directly reduced access to sexual health services, where many people are unable to routinely access treatment and testing due to limitations in allocation of daily appointments.

    Many of these cuts disproportionately affect lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT+) and black and minority ethnic (BAME) communities, and young people.

    A similar joint letter calling for increased funding for sexual health was also sent today by LGBT+ groups from the Labour, LibDeb and Conservative parties.

    Last year, a review of services in South London reported that 1 in 8 people with symptoms were being turned away from sexual health clinics. This included 40% who were under 25 years old and 6% who were under 18.

    References

    1. Green I et al. Urgent request to intervene: Funding for sexual health services. 2 September 2019.
      http://www.tht.org.uk
    2. Collins S. Almost 1 in 8 people with symptoms turned away from sexual health clinics in SE London: 40% are under 25 and 6% under 18 years old. HTB 01 May 2018.
      http://i-base.info/htb/33968

    Please see this Press Release from BASHH (British Association of Sexual Health and HIV) and BHIVA (British HIV Association) from October 2018: Government funding cuts leave sexual health and HIV care at ‘breaking point’

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    Lesbian and bisexual women are at increased risk of being overweight or obese compared to heterosexual women, according to new research from the University of East Anglia and UCL.

    Gay men however are less likely to be overweight than their straight counterparts, and more at risk of being underweight.

    The study, published today in the Journal of Public Health, is the first to investigate the relationship between sexual orientation and body mass index (BMI) using population data in the UK.

    The findings support the argument that sexual identity should be considered as a social determinant of health.

    The research team pooled data from 12 UK national health surveys involving 93,429 participants and studied the relationship between sexual orientation and BMI.

    Lead researcher Dr Joanna Semlyen, from UEA’s Norwich Medical School, said: “We found that women who identify as lesbian or bisexual are at an increased risk of being overweight or obese, compared to heterosexual women. This is worrying because being overweight and obese are known risk factors for a number of conditions including coronary heart disease, stroke, cancer and early death.

    “Conversely, gay and bisexual men are more likely than heterosexual men to be underweight, and there is growing evidence that being underweight is linked to a range of health problems too, including excess deaths.

    “We also found that gay men are significantly less likely than straight men to be overweight or obese.

    “This study demonstrates that there is a relationship between sexual identity and BMI and that this link appears to be different for men and women.

    “There are a number of possible explanations for these findings. We know that sexual minority groups are more likely to be exposed to psychosocial stressors, which impacts on their mental health and their health behaviours such as smoking and alcohol use and which may influence their health behaviours such as diet or physical activity.

    “These stressors include homophobia and heterosexism, negative experiences that are experienced by the lesbian, bisexual and gay population as a result of their sexual orientation identity and are known to be linked to health.

    “Until 2008, sexual orientation wasn’t recorded in health surveys. This means that until recently it has not been possible to determine health inequalities affecting lesbian, gay and bisexual people.

    “Continued collection of data on sexual orientation identity within national health surveys allows us to measure the health of sexual minorities.

    “We hope that policy makers and clinicians will be able to use this fresh evidence to provide better healthcare and tailored advice and interventions for lesbian, gay and bisexual people. We need longitudinal research to understand the factors underlying the relationship between sexual orientation and BMI, and research to understand more about being underweight, especially in this population.”

    ‘Sexual orientation identity in relation to unhealthy body mass index (BMI): Individual participant data meta-analysis of 93,429 individuals from 12 UK health surveys’ is published in the Journal of Public Health on Thursday, February 21, 2019.

    EDITOR’S NOTES

    1/ For more information or to request an interview, please contact the UEA communications office on +44 (0)1603 593496 or email communications@uea.ac.uk.

    2/ The paper is available from the following dropbox link: https://www.dropbox.com/sh/fxypgrqt4niuh89/AAAOA0H8AStuNFGOZlW13OQMa?dl=0

    3/ The University of East Anglia (UEA) is a UK Top 15 university. Known for its world-leading research and outstanding student experience, it was awarded Gold in the Teaching Excellence Framework. UEA is a leading member of Norwich Research Park, one of Europe’s biggest concentrations of researchers in the fields of environment, health and plant science. www.uea.ac.uk

    4/ About UCL (University College London)

    UCL was founded in 1826. We were the first English university established after Oxford and Cambridge, the first to open up university education to those previously excluded from it, and the first to provide systematic teaching of law, architecture and medicine.

    We are among the world’s top universities, as reflected by performance in a range of international rankings and tables, and are committed to changing the world for the better.

    Our community of over 41,500 students from 150 countries and over 12,500 staff pursues academic excellence, breaks boundaries and makes a positive impact on real world problems.

    www.ucl.ac.uk | Follow us on Twitter @uclnews | Watch our YouTube channel YouTube.com/UCLTV

    Lead researcher Dr Joanna Semlyen is available for interview. We have Globelynx TV and ISDN radio facilities on campus. Let me know if you would like to set something up.

    Lisa Horton

    UEA communications office
    +44 (0)1603 592764 / l.horton@uea.ac.uk

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    Posted by Jean Smith on behalf of author Zsuzsa Ferge.

    The Orbán regime introduced legislation to shut down accredited gender studies programs offered by universities in Hungary. Academics now have 24 hours to respond to the government’s plan. The ban will primarily impact students at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest (ELTE)–the only institution in Hungary, other than Central European University, to offer gender studies at the graduate level, and the only one to provide this program in Hungarian.

    The number of students impacted by the ban is small–only 11 applicants were admitted this year at ELTE and two at CEU. The maximum number of students that ELTE can admit any given year is 18 and those enrolled this coming academic year will be the last to take this program in Hungary. The decision to give those impacted 24 hours, in the middle of the summer vacation, to respond to this plan is a prime example of the spectacular arrogance that this regime has displayed for the past eight years. Gender studies in Hungary hardly pose a risk to the social narratives espoused by Fidesz and the Christian Democrats, but this regime is best known for kicking people and sectors of the society when they are down.

    Although the government is not formally citing ideological reasons for its decision to cancel gender studies (the official reason is that this program is not “economically rational”), circles within Fidesz, most notably its Christian Democrat (KDNP) wing, have been calling for this for some time. In 2017, Lőrinc Nacsa, the leader of KDNP’s youth wing, labelled gender studies at ELTE as a wasteful luxury and also as destructive. “We must raise awareness to the fact that these programs are doing nothing to lift up our nation. In fact, they are destroying the values-centered mode of thinking that is still present in the countries of Central Europe,” wrote Mr. Nacsa in his letter to the rector of ELTE.

    As well, HVG reminds its readers today that State Secretary Bence Rétvári (KDNP) in the Ministry of Human Capacities questioned whether gender studies even qualifies as a legitimate academic field, adding that this field of research is at odds with everything that the Fidesz government espouses.

    I could feign shock at this news or recite the obscene mantra of how Fidesz has now truly crossed a red line–a line that up until now nobody would have thought that they would pass. Yet this would be insincere. It’s too late to be horrified that this can happen in Hungary–it’s about eight years too late. Most sectors and demographics of Hungarian society, from journalists to shop owners to NGOs, have already felt the scourge of the party state in profound ways. Academics are next in line.

    Comments Off on Gender studies programs to be banned in Hungary by Zsuzsa Ferge